From 2001 to today: The never-ending War on Terror

On October 6, 2014, a U.S. judge decided to make information public about the horrific force-feeding of Abu Wa’el Dhiab, a Guantanamo detainee.
The news didn’t make the headlines on CNN or Fox news. The treatment was not denounced over and over by every big or small Muslim organization, as they have done when it comes to the treatment of minorities and journalists by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). In some media outlets, the news was portrayed as a victory for transparency and government accountability.
Only a handful of journalists have dared to write about the suffering of this detainee. Why was he arrested in the first place and why was he never charged with any offence? How can the U.S. justify his incarceration in the Guantanamo military prison for more than 10 years? Perhaps he is only more collateral damage to add to the War on Terror that the U.S. has been conducting, each time under a new name, but always with disastrous consequences. Perhaps he is another inevitable casualty. Soon, he will be forgotten, as have many other casualties in this infinite, despicable war.
For the U.S., Guantanamo is a prison of another era. Or, put differently: Guantanamo is a prison that was created for prisoners of the first “War on Terror.” Today, its presence bothers the Americans more than it helps them. Guantanamo became an obsolete tool in a yet another “War on Terror.”
Three successive Wars on Terror
From 2001 to 2014, the Americans waged three successive Wars on Terror.
The first War on Terror started in 2001 by George W. Bush, immediately after the events of 9/11. Then, the Americans were still testing the waters. First they used “methods” of conventional war. They sent troops on the ground. They captured prisoners of war; some were fighting with the Taliban, others with al-Qaeda and many others were innocents who turned out to be in the wrong place. Abu Wa’el Dhiab was one of them. The Americans tortured them and even invented a waterboarding technique to make prisoners speak; they force-fed prisoners who went on hunger strikes. They desecrated the Quran, they used dogs to scare some prisoners and even used female agents to sexually humiliate or “tempt” them. The U.S. and its allies considered these methods “legal” and “legitimate” as they were “cleaning” the world of Al-Qaeda terrorists. And of course, the majority of American people believed their politicians.
Between 2008 and 2012, the Americans got tired of George W. Bush. He became an embarrassment for the world and for the U.S., so they elected a new president. After all, the War on Terror conducted in Afghanistan and Iraq wasn’t as successful as the politicians and military wanted people to believe. The war was bringing home more bodies of soldiers killed overseas. The U.S. economy was suffering from an over-stretched war. This is where President Obama came into the picture. He promised to close the Guantanamo prison; he never did. He promised to get U.S. troops out of Iraq and Afghanistan; he did, but that is another story. He even stopped calling the “War on Terror” by its name.
But what the majority of people didn’t know is that Obama subtly started a second War on Terror. In his book, Jeremy Scahill calls it a “dirty war.” Instead of capturing prisoners and sending them to Guantanamo, where one day they could become a liability for the U.S. administration, Obama and his advisers came up with a new war, one that is invisible to the eyes of the common people. This lethal war was conducted behind the screens of remote controls in bunkers in the desert of Arizona, where military personnel can guide drones from the comfort of their chairs to kill “terrorists” and their supporters.
This war was conducted in Somalia, Yemen and Pakistan. U.S. officials even changed their way of counting the victims of their killing policy. Thus, “militant” became “all military-age males in a strike zone.”
So, if they kill a militant and his friends and family, the casualties are all counted as “militants” as long as they are adult and male. The reasoning here is so simple, it’s perhaps too simple: the friend of my enemy is my enemy.
For four years, the second War on Terror became almost invisible until the chaos created by the first one came to haunt the U.S. again. The “new Iraq” the U.S. wanted to create imploded in three main zones: the one controlled by the Shias, the one controlled by the Kurds, and the rest where Sunni militants, soldiers of the old Baathist regime, and marginalized groups merged together to take over what was left. Thus, ISIL was born.
At first, the actions of ISIL didn’t bother Obama much, and neither did the horrific killings conducted in Syria by dictator Bashar al-Assad on his own people. The U.S. “tolerated” them. In fact, they kept them both in balance.
Launching the third War on Terror
But when ISIL proclaimed itself a caliphate, and started beheading foreigners, the U.S. felt the need to wage its third War on Terror.
This time, it seems that there is no capturing of prisoners or killings with drones. The U.S. and its allies chose air bombings. In public opinion, this third war is described as a war against a ruthless group. Fine. But what the U.S. administration fails to tell Americans is why it doesn’t wage a war on Saudi Arabia, another barbaric state that kills and tortures with total impunity. Even stranger, Saudi Arabia is a major ally of this war against barbarism. As if there are degrees of barbarism: type 1 barbarism (a.k.a. classic barbarism) that is tolerated by the U.S., and type 2 barbarism (a.k.a. barbarism light), one that must be denounced and fought with vigour.
The third War on Terror isn’t really a war on ISIL or their barbaric methods to scare the West. It is a war to recapture of what is left from the old map of the Middle East after two disastrous Wars on Terror. This new war is a battle where the Americans are trying hard to reinforce their strategic positions in a Middle East torn between Shia and Sunni dominance.

This article was originally published in rabble.ca

Lean In: A fairy-tale in a fantasy land

After reading Lean In by Sheryl Sandberg, I couldn’t stop comparing myself to her. After all, Sheryl Sandberg is almost my age. We were both born in 1969. We grew up in a middle-class family and went to business school.
But perhaps the similarities stop there.
Sheryl Sandberg became one of the most powerful and successful women in the U.S. During her ascent, she had powerful mentors — for instance, Larry Summers, Secretary of the Treasury under the Clinton administration — who believed in her, helped her and pushed her forward, despite her doubts and tumbles.
So despite the fact our paths seem to have been quite similar, at least from the beginning until we finished university, there are plenty of differences between the two of us. In Tunisia, I never had a mentor. Nobody believed in me, except my parents. No Tunisian “Larry Summers” hired me or pushed me forward to succeed. To the contrary, I was implicitly pushed aside because I didn’t conform to the mainstream society moulds waiting for me. The Tunisian government of the time did all it could to strip me of my rights to a scholarship because I was wearing a veil. I was considered a fundamentalist.
When I came to Canada, I was in a way given a second chance, a new opportunity to build a new life and show my true self. As a new immigrant I had to not only be good but extremely exceptional to be noticed. I had to always double my efforts to be recognized as a woman with the potential to succeed and make a difference around her.
I never had the luxury to lean back. I always looked forward, climbed ladder after ladder to find closed doors. I understood that no matter how far and how hard you “lean in,” when you are starting from below the bottom you will never reach the summits of the world in which Sheryl Sandberg lives.
And as an immigrant Arab-Muslim woman, I can assert that I was starting from very low. In Canada, I had mentors; one of them was my thesis director at McGill University. He believed in me and defended me when others wanted to put obstacles in front of me. But contrary to Sheryl Sandberg, he wasn’t trying to find me a job in the Bank of Canada or in the Department of Finance; he was trying to keep me in the program. My battle is one of survival, not of ambition. Later, I had Alexa McDonough, former leader of the New Democratic Party of Canada, stand beside me and my children when the Government of Canada let my husband down. Once again, I wasn’t fighting to become a successful leader in my company or a brilliant politician; I was fighting for my rights to be treated with dignity and justice. I was fighting for the bare minimum.
In contrast to Sheryl Sandberg, I didn’t have a nanny to take care of my kids when I went out to defend my husband’s rights. I didn’t have a partner, as he was far away in prison. I had my mother who stood beside me all the way and if I didn’t have her I wouldn’t have been able to go outside and leave my children at home.
My path isn’t an exception. There are many other women in Canada and in the U.S. who “lean in” every day as single mothers, as Aboriginal, immigrants, refugees, as underprivileged members of society. Their battles aren’t recognized. Some think of them as lazy, marginalized, or perhaps not adequately integrated.
In my opinion, their battles are as important, if not more important, than Sheryl Sandberg’s. These women are working so hard to bring food to the table and find affordable daycare for their children. Sheryl Sandberg doesn’t speak about them in her book. They seem to be invisible to her eyes.
Sheryl Sandberg is talking to a small, restricted “girls’ club.” And I admit, it is a fine discussion. In theory, I agree with most of it. But it forgets all the other women who are in another world. Not the world of Silicon Valley or Capitol Hill or fancy lawyer’s Manhattan towers. They are the women who work in the fields, in the factories, in the offices, in hospitals, in schools. They are the women who do not have nannies to feed and clean their kids, or wealthy husbands to pay their bills. Sheryl Sandberg’s book is excellent — but only for women who are like her! It gives them a moral boost. It motivates them to climb the corporate ladder from being a manager to becoming a CEO. However, her book, for many other women, me included, means nothing. It is another fairy-tale to add to the list.

This book review was originally published in July 11, 2014 at rabble.ca

A world of fear

While I was visiting my family and friends in Tunisia this summer, I came across a new feeling, or maybe it is an impression — a feeling or impression that I never encountered before in the country that is proud today to be called the sparkle of the “Arab Spring.”
I grew up there in the ’80s. I remember seeing in people’s eyes the fear of authority, humiliation, loss of dignity, the sorrow of poverty, suspicion, but I didn’t see the “fear of terrorism.” Even in the darkest hours of the country, during the ’80s, when there were violent incidents attributed to Islamist militants, I didn’t hear from people around me that they were afraid.
Was I young and carefree at the time? Was I naïve and unaware of the news around me? I have my doubts. I grew up in a house with a lot of newspapers, books, TV and radio, both local and foreign. My father was not complacent towards the regime and we were always hungry for political news.
But during my last visit, I saw something special, an impression of “déja vu.” Every simple talk I had with family members and friends seemed to hint at the uncertain future, “fear of the terrorists,” or simply, fear of the “other.” Listening to the news in the car, I heard the speaker reporting on ongoing discussions in the “Assemblée Constituante,” the elected assembly, about new “anti-terror legislation.” I couldn’t stand listening. I turned it off instantly. This tense environment brought me back to the troubled days of Canada in the post-9/11 era.
The difference was that while in Canada as a member of the Arab-Muslim community, I felt, sometimes understandingly, the target of suspicion. Nevertheless, in Tunisia I was not a member of any visible minorities and still everybody is scared of the “other.” But who is the “other”?
If you are an Islamist, you are scared of the “old regime” coming back to power and putting you in jail. If you are from the “bourgeoisie,” you are afraid of the hordes of the poor and their slums and diseases. If you are from the “old regime,” you are scared of the “Islamists” and their hidden agenda of allowing polygamy and genital mutilation of little girls. If you are Tunisian, you are scared of the Libyans who are rumoured to have money and arms and who are blamed for all the economic and security problems of the country. And finally, the whole country agreed to be afraid of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.
Many times, I felt uneasy during those discussions as fear can’t cohabit with rationality and without rationality democracy can’t be built.
I couldn’t stop thinking about how, after the events of 9/11, the U.S., Canada and many other Western democracies were plunged into an era where civil liberties were curtailed, where innocent people were jailed and others deported. I couldn’t stop thinking about the role of some media outlets and authors in perpetuating old myths like “Canada was a safe heaven for terrorists” or about the imminent “Islamic tide” that would wipe us all out, and soon we would have “sharia-based tribunals” cutting hands and stoning women.
Today, the situation is not any different in Tunisia. Facebook, which as social media was assumed to have played a positive role in mobilizing youth against the tyrannical regime of Ben Ali, today has becomes a rumour-spreading machine, where “scared” people keep perpetuating and feeding one another “scary stories” about “the other” and maintaining social hysteria.
One can wonder: who is this environment benefiting?
In the U.S., post-9/11, groups of politicians, some military and right-wing think-tanks and corporations benefited from maintaining a high level of fear among the population. Several new pieces of legislation targeting individual rights and privacy were introduced with almost no opposition, only because people longed for more security. Many politicians were given “carte blanche” for their illegal actions, and never brought to trial simply because they had to do the right thing and “save” the country from evil. Torture techniques became the “mal necessaire” and indefinite jail of suspects became the norm.
Today, I am afraid the same thing is happening in Tunisia. Ministers from the old regime were not even questioned for their role in the brutal dictatorship. The mismanagement and corruption of more than 50 years were magically forgotten. The journalists, artists, and authors who in the past praised the dictator and his policies were forgiven, if not granted a “new virginity” for continuing their circus.
In 1988, Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky wrote Manufacturing Consent. It showed how media played a role in creating a population ready to accept government policies without questioning them. Today, it would be similarly relevant to explore the topic of “fear” and how this became a tool in some hands to shape public opinion in favour of more scrutiny of citizens by government while pushing aside real debates.

This post was originally published at rabble.ca

Capitalism, oligarchy and the new economic order

What Is Stephen Harper Reading? That was the title of a book Yann Martel wrote in 2011. He wrote it as a compilation of recommended readings he sent bi-monthly to Prime Minister Stephen Harper. I know it is a bit late but I wish Martel had included among those titles Capital in the Twenty-First Century, the newly released book authored by French economist Thomas Piketty.
As an economist by training, Stephen Harper would be interested in reading what Thomas Piketty has to say about capitalism and the threat that rising inequality is representing for the whole economic system.
But don’t get me wrong; Thomas Piketty isn’t a leftist politician. It just happens that some of what he is preaching corresponds perfectly with what some leftist activists and analysts have been warning us for years, to no avail. Today, the words, analyses and charts inside Piketty’s book are confirming their predictions and giving them credibility — not with neoliberals but with common people who discovered Piketty’s book. The book confirms their suspicions and perfectly describes their realities.
In reality, Piketty’s book came three years late. The Indignados movement in Europe and the Occupy Wall Street movement in the U.S. started way before the book was originally published in French.
However, the difference between Piketty and protest groups is that his work can’t be brushed off as lousy, simplistic or the work of some anarchists. His original contribution, developed together with his colleagues, is a statistical method that allowed him to track the evolution of income and wealth over a long period of time (over the 20th century for America and Britain, and the18th century for France). Thus, he was able to follow inequality through two dimensions: across social classes and through time. He traced the inequality of La Belle Époque (19th century in Europe) and was able to pinpoint the main culprit: the accumulation of wealth and its transmission through inheritance. In today’s words, Piketty was able to track down the 1% that Occupy Wall Street protesters strongly denounced. Indeed, he found out that:
The top 10% owns most (70%) of the capital, and the bottom 50% owns almost none (5%) of it.
Moreover, Piketty drew similarities between rich people of the 19th century and the wealthy today. He even mentioned, unheard of from an economist, some literary characters from the novels of Jane Austen and Honoré de Balzac. In the Belle Époque, the family in which you are born, or to whom you get married, make you poor forever or rich forever.

It is the emergence and later the spread of capitalism that came to change this fatalism. Workers and then middle-class groups, through education and hard work, made a path between the rich and poor and this is how, for instance, the middle class came to represent the most important class in America during the ’50s. Not for a long time, though! The Jane Austen and Honoré Balzac characters of this new world reappeared and concentrated all the wealth in their hands.
It is interesting to note how Piketty emphasizes wealth instead of income as the most important tool for studying inequality — and for this he studied tax records instead of relying, like other economists did in the past, on surveys about salaries and income.
Of course, many critics say that today’s rich made their fortunes through hard work and not through inheritance like was the case in La Belle Époque. It may have been true for some when the American Dream was still a reality but it is no longer the case today. Take the cases of CEOs who keep receiving million of dollars in compensation and yet aren’t good enough to save their firms from financial disasters. And how about JPMorgan Chase, one of the biggest banking and financial multinationals in the world? Didn’t this firm start from a wealthy family?
Piketty advocates for a wealth tax that would reduce the growing inequalities that we currently observe in Canada, in the U.S. and all over the world. Politically, this is extremely difficult if not impossible. In France, Gerard Depardieu and other movie stars or singers went to war against the French government when it tried to increase the taxes on their wealth. In the U.S., Forbes magazine, which promotes wealth through its famous list of the richest people in the world, harshly criticized Piketty’s work.
So after reading Thomas Piketty’s book, can we safely say that America, as the icon of capitalism, is no longer a democracy but an oligarchy? Everyone seems to be afraid to say so!
There are some courageous voices who dare to do so. In their book, The Betrayal of the American Dream, Ronald Barlett and James Steele write: “a sign held by a protester at Occupy Wall Street in the fall of 2011 framed the issue: I don’t mind you being rich. I mind you buying my government.”
Recently, two American political scientists, Martin Gilens of Princeton University and Benjamin Page of Northwestern University, released a report in which they declared:
“…we believe that if policymaking is dominated by powerful business organizations and a small number of affluent Americans, then America’s claims to being a democratic society are seriously threatened.”
Gilens and Page don’t go as far as declaring the U.S. an oligarchy but they nicely frame it as follows: “economic elite domination.” It is exactly what Thomas Piketty discovered through his study of tax records and patterns of inequality.
In Canada, we are not immune to such inequalities and “economic elite domination.” In a recent study by the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, it is mentioned that:
“… many gasp at the fact that Canada’s richest 20% of families take almost 50% of all income. But when it comes to wealth, almost 70% of all Canadian wealth belongs to Canada’s wealthiest 20%.”
Piketty’s findings cannot be better confirmed, even here in Canada. Once again, I find myself wishing Stephen Harper would one day read Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century.

This article was originally posted with rabble.ca

Au revoir Pauline: Goodbye to Quebec’s time of division

As a francophone, a North African and a veil-wearing Muslim woman, I felt deeply concerned by the debate around the Charter of Values that created turmoil in la belle province since last fall. This debate suddenly died after the crushing defeat of Pauline Marois and the Parti Québécois.
Moreover, as someone who first migrated to, then lived and studied in Quebec, I always had a special place in my heart for Montreal. I have emotional memories there. Somehow I left my heart there in one of its streets.
Last fall, I even started writing a regular column in French for the Huffington Post Quebec where I shared with readers my worries, my opinions, and even good advice that Pauline Marois chose to ignore…
The Charter of Values, or de la laïcité, was portrayed by Pauline Marois and her accomplices as a charter to fight women’s oppression and promote values of gender equality. Noble principles, indeed! The Charter was supposedly targeting the main religious symbols kirpan, yarmulke, the cross (depending on its size and place) and of course, the famous veil.
It wasn’t a very well-kept secret that the Charter was mainly targeting Muslim women who chose to wear the headscarf. Their increasing number in daycares, as educators, and in the public space in general, was apparently creating a malaise according to Bernard Drainville, the minister who initiated this charter.
So, in the name of gender equality, women wearing the veil were going to be fired from their jobs to preserve the secularism of society. What an irony!
Moreover, what Drainville kept as secret are the hundred of thousands of comments from individuals and organizations opposing the Charter as well as the legal advice he received about the Charter’s constitutionality. Maybe transparency and accountability weren’t as important for him as gender equality…

But beyond all the heated debates, and the false arguments used by Pauline Marois and her friends, two concerning phenomena became apparent:
- a social rift between mainstream society and ethnic groups.
- normalization of hateful comments directed towards Muslim women and Islam, not only on the Internet by also by some media commentators and, of course, by Janette Bertrand, the self-proclaimed head of the pro-Charter camp.
In the 2007 Quebec election, the Action Démocratique du Québec (ADQ), headed by Mario Dumont, a small political party at the time, won 41 seats in the National Assembly and against all odds became the official opposition, sending the Parti Québécois into third position.
The secret of that sudden victory? The ADQ played the political wedge card of identity. Not the veil as much as the sugar bush serving a halal menu or orthodox Jews asking that YMCA glass be covered as the poor men can’t support the view of almost naked women jogging on treadmills.
The ADQ didn’t go as far as bringing in a charter of values; they were testing the waters and it worked wonderfully. But only temporarily — and in the next election, the party was almost decimated.
After “printemps érable” and the student revolution against the Liberals and their tuition fee increase, Pauline Marois came in as the saviour of the Parti Québécois. Her strategists thought they could be smarter than the ADQ’s. They saw how lucrative the identity issue can be in terms of voting and they wanted to replicate it in order to make gains in the election. They didn’t take into consideration that the ADQ bitterly lost in their next election; they didn’t think that playing with fire can be a lot of fun until the fire catches their hands and clothes.
When I was a little girl, one of Lafontaine’s fables that impressed me was the one about the frog and the ox. The frog once saw the ox near a pond and wanted badly to become as big and as beautiful as him. So she started drinking the water until she exploded. This old French fable is taught to children and I am not sure if Pauline Marois — who claims to be a defender of French language and culture — read it.
Marois’s strategists thought that by raising the spectre of the “Muslim invasion” they would succeed as the Front National in France did. But Quebec isn’t France and North America isn’t Europe, a fact they seem to have forgotten.
Ayaan Hirsi Ali, a Somali refugee, turned into an acclaimed politician in the Netherlands espousing the cause of the extremist right-wing. It worked so well for her. Old conservatives loved her, people who didn’t want the Muslim neighbourhood to grow in their backyards quietly approved her comments, and then one day her dangerous game exploded in her face as it was discovered that she lied with respect to her refugee claim. The same people who once were her friends end up stripping her of Dutch citizenship.
She didn’t learn her lesson though. She went to the United States and started touring the American universities, repeating her same hateful speeches. Some people listened to her but many ignored her. She even scornfully admitted in one of her books that North American society was not as receptive to her message as the Europeans were.
Did Pauline Marois and her candidates hear about Ayaan Hirsi Ali? Or was she only looking at her navel, to use a French expression?
One thing is sure: Quebecers punished Marois badly for being so arrogant. Today, the challenges for all Quebecers are tremendous: economic, social and cultural. Let’s hope that the time of division is behind us. I can only hope that Pauline Marois and her clique are just a bad dream. Au revoir, Pauline!

Y-a-t-il vraiment une menace intégriste musulmane au Québec?

Oui, selon les francophones vivant en dehors de Montréal mais pas vraiment pour les anglophones ou francophones vivant dans la région de Montréal.  Oui, selon Pauline Marois. Pas vraiment selon Philipe Couillard?Qui a raison et qui a tort? Qui sont les naïfs et qui sont les lucides? Ville contre campagne? Anglophones contre francophones? Péquistes contre libéraux? Souverainistes contre fédéralistes? Une chose est claire: il n’existe pas une seule solitude au Québec mais plusieurs espaces solitaires.

Après des mois de débats houleux, de manifestations, des chemises déchirées sur la place publique, d’insultes échangées et des milliers de pages Facebook partagées , la charte des valeurs québequoises, par laquelle toute la question de l’identité a fait son apparition s’est en quelque sorte timidement esquivée de la campagne électorale. Ce n’est plus le voile ou la kippa qui fait peur mais plutôt c’est le musulman intégriste. Un point c’est tout. Apparemment, ce musulman intégriste, probablement caché dans sa mosquée, représente une menace. Laquelle? Je ne sais pas. Du moins on ne nous le dit pas. Néanmoins, presque 60% des québécois pensent qu’il menace le Québec.

C’est drôle comment les péquistes de Pauline Marois se sont appropriés les idées de la fédéraliste Fatima Houda-Pépin sans que celle-ci s’en offusque ou se rebiffe. Au contraire, elle sourit toujours. A chaque fois que je la vois à la télé, elle sourit, certainement ce n’est pas une musulmane intégriste. Les photos de femmes musulmanes semblent toujours en colère, fâchées, tristes.  Celles-ci, elles doivent être des musulmanes intégristes. Elles menacent la société de quoi? De leur colère?  De leur soumission? Je ne sais pas encore. Personne n’a voulu me dire. Mais tout le monde semble avoir peur.

Pauline Marois se dit convaincue que les musulmans ont infiltré la société québécoise. Sur quoi se base-t-elle? Je ne sais pas. Dans quelle étude est-elle allée piger ses idées? Des arrestations à tous les jours de complots musulmans? Peut-être a-t-elle confondu la menace musulmane de menace du crime organisé. Ah oui, ça doit être ca! Un lapsus. Un simple lapsus linguae. Elle a confondu la corruption qui s’est infiltrée dans toutes les sphères de l’économie québécoise avec l’islam. Il faut la pardonner Pauline, elle travaille fort ces jours-ci et elle ne connait plus la différence entre intégrisme and gangstérisme.

Pour revenir à Fatima Houda-Pépin, à mon avis, il faudrait qu’elle demande à Pauline Marois des redevances en terme de voix électorales. Voici un stratagème génial que je lui suggère : pour chaque voix gagnée par le PQ dans la circonscription dans laquelle Fatima Houda-Pépin se lance, elle reçoit deux votes pour elle. Deux pour un. Comme ça, Fatima Houda- Pépin pourra battre Dr. Barette et elle pourrait retrouver sa place et sa pension à l’assemblée nationale et rester toujours souriante.

Autre chose. Le Parti Québécois a annoncé qu’un gouvernement péquiste se doterait d’un centre de recherche sur les crimes dits d’honneur et la lutte à l’intégrisme.Car faut-il préciser que ces crimes d’honneur barbares sont strictement associés aux musulmans. Mais qu’en est-il des crimes de passion. Des crimes de jalousie? Ne constituent-ils pas une menace pour les femmes québécoises? Et les drames de Saint-Isodore et de Trois-Rivières? On oublie que ce sont tous des hommes jaloux et violents qui ont tuée leurs proches. Ça ne semble pas préoccuper Pauline Marois outre mesure.  Ce n’est pas importé d’ailleurs, c’est purement québécois! Mais les musulmans, c’est plus facile, on leur tape dessus et surtout il ne faut pas appeler ça de l’islamophobie. Ça s’appelle de la liberté d’expression.

Par contre quand le Magazine MacLeans publie une enquête pour dire que le Québec est la province la plus corrompue du Canada. Là, la mobilisation est générale, on crie  au « Québec bashing » ou disons le en terme plus civilisé à la francophobie.

Je jette l’éponge, je ne comprends plus rien! Quelqu’un pourra-t-il m’éclairer?

 

 

 

 

Ce billet a été publié sur le Huffington Post Québec

Forget Government Corruption, It is raining Olympic Medals

The sky is raining medals on Canadian and Quebec athletes. This is excellent news for all Canadians, but definitely more so for the Harper government and for the Parti Québécois government of Pauline Marois.

Both governments are plagued with corruption scandals but the Winter Olympic Games of Sochi seem to be giving them a free, long and happy ride.

The Senate scandal looked like it was coming to an end after senators Mac Harb and Patrick Brazeau were charged by the RCMP. Easy targets? Maybe. How about Pamela Wallin and Mike Duffy? Is this enough to close the dark chapter of bribes and unjustified expense claims of the other senators? And how about Nigel Wright, Stephen Harper’s former chief of staff who was found to have “paid” Senator Duffy a $90,000 cheque? We almost forgot about him. Will he be prosecuted for bribery?

Spying on Canadians by Communications Security Establishment Canada (CSEC) and its dangerous consequences for the lives of millions of Canadians was quickly declared legal by two high-ranking intelligence officers when questioned by parliamentarians.

Journalists didn’t even dare question the allegations of the two officials.

Meanwhile this same agency still receives taxpayer funds, estimated to be around $4.2 billion. Part of this money goes to build a fancy and luxurious building without any accountability or outcry from any member of Parliament.

he mere usage of technical vocabulary like “metadata” seems to have shut off many brains. CBC reported that “when asked to clarify the importance of metadata, Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s national security adviser explained it simply as ‘data about data.'” Using a technical and complicated vocabulary is a tactic to make citizens feel intimated, and thus somehow reassured by the degree of knowledge and expertise of our politicians and their bureaucrats. Meanwhile the real issue of spying on Canadians went off the radar and discussion focused on the definition of metadata and how insignificant its impact on privacy is.

Pauline Marois is also having a nice glide during the Winter Olympics season. Despite serious revelations about corruption in the construction and political milieu, she is still magically able to deflect attention by insisting on the importance of the “Charte des valeurs québecoises,” making it a wedge issue to gain more votes in the coming election. Even the serious allegation about a “deal” between her husband and some officials of the Fond de Solidarité du Québec was not judged serious enough by the media to seek answers.

Meanwhile, Canadian athletes are gleaning medals, making Canadians and Quebecers feel more euphoric. Forget about snooping, forget about corruption and secret deals, and forget about any cuts in the new federal budget. Canadians are happy, and for that Harper and Marois have Vladimir Putin to thank.

This posts was originally published on rabble.ca